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Posted April 12th, 2008 by Josh
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While I find the idea of a major Tibetan “terrorist” attack extremely unlikely, it is possible that we have different definitions of terrorism. In a country without freedom of assembly or speech, a demonstration could be a “terrorist act.” But the one that left me the most befuddled was the idea that Taiwan would somehow do something provocative. And I asked my friend about that one. She conceded that was not too likely…but you never know. It is this state of constant potential threat that has served the government so well.
As this Economist article points out, even as Taiwanese-Mainland relations are set to improve, troubles still lurk, and China remains in a perpetual state of hyper-excitement of the thorny issue:
The probable meeting between [recently elected President of Taiwan] Siew and [Chinese President] Hu in the tropical city of Boao would be an easy first step in what is likely to be a difficult journey. China’s leaders, under pressure from rising nationalist sentiment stoked by the recent violence in Tibet, are unlikely to make big concessions on issues touching on questions of sovereignty. Few expect China to begin scaling back its huge military build-up on the coast facing Taiwan in the near future.
And isn’t that the whole point? China (i.e., the government) still has this bunker mentality. It’s a dangerous world out there, and you never know who might be out to get you. The Western media. The Japanese. Or the “big three” areas of constant “threat.” There is a fundamental problem with this dynamic: all of the threats are external. Even the “big three,” which are theoretically all internal issues, are essentially viewed as external threats. Two are outside of the Han center, and Taiwan is an external entity.
In the US, aside from the “evil Muslims” most of our created threats are internal: gays, the movie industry, the gun lobby, and the oil industry are all primary examples. This creates an entirely different dynamic, where people are negotiating within a legal structure to have their point of view rise to the top. In contrast, the Chinese dynamic is much more based on defining the Han identity by putting it in juxtaposition to others. (The concept of “China” does not really extend beyond the Han people in any meaningful way, much as the majority of Americans have only recently begun to view their country as substantively anything more than a “White” culture.)
All of this brings us back to the scourge of nationalism, which is particularly acute in China. When I was studying in South Africa, a political science professor used to tell my class that nationalism was a most vile evil that distorted the minds of otherwise rational people. Why else, he asked, would Chinese care about a “smoggy god-forsaken island like Taiwan?” He was joking, but only just barely.
An article in Slate from a couple of weeks ago makes almost an identical point:
Tibet is a remote, impoverished mountain region with little arable land. Why does China care so much about keeping it?
Nationalism. China invaded Tibet in 1950, but Beijing asserts that its close relationship with the region stretches back to the 13th century, when first Tibet and then China were absorbed into the rapidly expanding Mongol empire. The Great Khanate, or the portion of the empire that contained China, Tibet, and most of East Asia, eventually became known as China’s Yuan Dynasty. Throughout the Yuan and the subsequent Ming and Qing dynasties, Tibet remained a subordinate principality of China, though its degree of independence varied over the centuries.
The main problem that has emerged is too many Chinese confuse ethnic pride (itself potentially dangerous) with blind support of unjust government policies. This is, of course, also a problem in the US and elsewhere, where too many right-wing politicians are all too eager to wrap themselves in the flag and claim moral superiority. However, in China the probably is particularly acute, since there are no real channels to voice opposition to government policies.
In America, for every Rush Limbaugh there is a Jon Stewart making fun of his self-righteousness. If prisoners are being tortured, pundits will criticize the policy–and the government. All camps have a voice, and the right to dismiss the others (or to listen).
In China this is not the case, as we all know. And it is not simply a function of a lack of political openness. There is a real sense that the Han culture is intrinsically linked to the government in a fundamental way. How can you attack a government if you fundamentally see it as an extension of yourself (even though it is not)?
I can remember my students in Chengdu used to marvel at the fact that a website was set up with the explicit purpose of comparing President Bush to a monkey (physically, although I’m sure other sites examining the mental capacities of the two animals would be equally compelling). It would be outrageous to make such a comparison in China, even though it is a juvenile and petty endeavor. If people cannot discuss something as insignificant as the fact that the commander in chief has a stunning resemblance to a monkey, how could real discussion possibly take place?
This is the People’s Republic of China, and the government has effectively convinced the population, on the whole, that this moniker is accurate. Why else would a population be so eager to stand up for policies that make the people look bad (at least in the eyes of some)? The brilliance of the Chinese Government is that it has convinced most Chinese people that they are somehow in this fight together against the dangerous outside world.
Once you have made this leap, it is easy to convince people that external forces that disagree with “the country’s” ideas are inherently a threat. And it is easy to stoke those fears at a time when the biggest international event in more than a generation is set to arrive in Beijing.
Tags: han, nationalist, t1bet, taiwan, tibet, xinjiang
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Post a Comment
Bobby responds:
Posted: April 13th, 2008 at 10:21 am →
Why on earth would Taiwan separatists attack Beijing during the Olympics? That would be begging for an attack. It seems more likely Beijing would stage one as a pretext.
jenny responds:
Posted: April 13th, 2008 at 11:50 am →
still reading, but want to say that regarding your Economist quote, Siew is Taiwan’s *vice*-president elect, and that Ma is the incoming president.
i just found your blog through nick’s blog and am happy i did! looking forward to reading your writing…-jenny
duckoutofwater responds:
Posted: April 13th, 2008 at 12:56 pm →
great post, josh. i, too, have spoken with young, educated Chinese people only to discover the same as you. It is so difficult to find common ground in conversation when they cling so tightly to gov’t generated ‘nationalism’.
J B responds:
Posted: April 13th, 2008 at 3:29 pm →
You sum up my own thoughts very well, except for one important point. I found that once I got to know people in China, they were almost always critical of the government. I think the CCP knows they cannot make people believe them when it comes to domestic problems involving Hans- that is to say, people won’t trust news that contradicts what’s in front of their eyes, or when they feel victimized (eg, protesting the maglev in Shanghai because of radiation). The CCP compensates with doing what you talk about- instilling fear. This is a classic dictatorial strategy, and it is working wonderfully for the CCP, as it temporarily did for Bush.
Janus responds:
Posted: April 14th, 2008 at 9:29 am →
This point is spot on, and nicely puts into words the thoughts I have been struggling to express with my own peabrain.
The next question, then, is what can be done to encourage the end of the unhealthy fusion of national identity and state policy?
Rhys responds:
Posted: April 14th, 2008 at 11:55 am →
A great post. Very astute. In regards to Janus’ question – and maybe I am too positive here, but I think overall everything is on a good path, notwithstanding the current tension.
Few people outside of Australians would have heard that our PM got up and gave a speech in Madarin at Peking Uni last week. He discussed Australia’ s firm friendship with with China, but also made mention (politely) of the fact that there were concerns regarding human rights in Tibet (though he stressed this was inside the bounds of friendship.)
This is the first time a western leader has done such a thing on Chinese soil in their own language – but it won’t be the last. As more and more westerners study/work in China and develop a more sophisticated understanding of the country and mentality, and more and more Chinese do the same in western countries, mutual understanding can only grow. The key word here is engagement. And I think China and western countries are already a lot further down that path, in terms of trade and migration than we sometimes realise. Mutual understanding can’t be too far behind, though there is still a long way to go and, I’m sure some tense moments,
And though it is rare for me to be impressed by a prime minister, I was impressed by Kevin Rudd. Instead of finger pointing, he was helping to build dialogue. And amazingly, though he was criticized, he also got a certain amount of grudging respect. There are leaders in China, and other countries, who will do the same.
God I sound like a hippy. But I really do see it.
nanheyangrouchuan responds:
Posted: April 14th, 2008 at 11:57 am →
This is the true nature of China’s ugly bloggers:
http://asiasentinel.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1145&Itemid=31
http://www.asiasentinel.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1148&Itemid=31